Background
The internal history of Opobo kingdom has received considerable scholarly attention (Cookey, 1972; Alagoa 1970; Jaja, J. 1995; Jaja S. 2000). It is now necessary to provide a more general analytical account. Developments are analyzed at three levels; the growth of the territorial structure and territorial organization, relations with other Nigerian peoples and states, and the cultural impact of such relations.
Political History
Four distinct periods can be identified in the history of the political development of Opobo. These are the early period 1870-1900, also known as the Jaja period. This was the Golden Age of Opobo history. The second period was the colonial period 1900-1960. This period coincided with the reigns of Prince Sunday Jaja, and Chief Frederick MacPepple Jaja and the early part of Chief Douglas Jaja’s reign. It was a period of consolidation of King Jaja’s achievements. The third period was the independence period 1960-1980 regarded as the Douglas period. This was a period of gradual decline of Opobo, and the final period is the period of crisis or the period of interregnum, 1980 – 2004.
The early period refers to the settlement period, when the early settlers from Bonny moved into the present site of Opobo. They were Ibani-Ijo with the original Ibani traditions and culture, including the Ibani language spoken by sixty percent of the early settlers. The radical population expansion policy altered the demographic and linguistic character of the fourteen initial Houses (compounds) that settled in metropolitan Opobo.
There were other early settlements established outside the metropolis, including Queen’s Town (Queen Ama), Kalaibiama; and the Kalama, made up of Epellema, Minimah and Iloma. These were followed by expansion into plantation settlements: Kalasunju, Okpukpu, Ozu Efere, Ikiriko, Abazibie, Opukalama, Ayaminimah and Ekeregborokiri. Some of the settlements were founded for King Jaja’s warlords, like Ekeregborokiri; while other settlements were warehouses for the storage of goods, like Ozu Efere.
One tradition states that since King Jaja banned the hanging of fishing nets in any part of the metropolis, these settlements served as fishing settlements where fishermen could undertake their activities. These settlements had no independence of political action.
The central political calculation had been to maintain such balance in internal affairs that no two sections can combine effectively to undermine the political authority of the Jaja section. Thus, it was found necessary at the beginning of the nineteenth century to equip enterprising young men whose loyalty was not in doubt (Ejituwu 1991:153). Accordingly, Saturday Jaja and Ogolo were given their independence. Apparently, at the period, King Jaja wanted increased patronage of European traders on the Opobo River (Dike 1956; Anene 1960).
As Opobo kingdom became firmly established, it began to acquire leadership over a widening neighbourhood. Opobo economic supremacy, made possible by her new location, threatened Bonny economy and reduced oil palm exported from Bonny. Indeed, by the end of the nineteenth century, palm produce from Opobo division showed remarkable increase challenging that of Bonny. The implication was not just expanded produce business, but more capital and more labour requirement for Opobo merchants. It also meant considerable political authority for Opobo kingdom.
The towns of Iloma, Epellema, Minimah, Ozu Efere and Ekeregborokiri to the south of Opobo mainland occupy a stretch of solid land that could be effectively used for agriculture. These towns have traditions of migration from the mainland and are referred to collectively as Kalama (small town), they are under the administration of the Alabo in the metropolis.
The Kalama also play a vital role in defence, as stations for the storage of arms. Defence strategy does not allow armament to be stored mainly in the metropolis. Moreover, the plan or layout of the kingdom was such that strategic defence was emphasized. The Chieftaincy Houses were located in a way that residential houses formed a semi-circle with the Alabo’s home much bigger and centrally located. A central well and two gateways, one leading to the sea where the war-canoes and gig are housed for ease of launch in time of war, were provided. The war canoes were so crucial to the kingdom that by 1920 the initial fourteen war canoes had forty-three more added to bring the total to sixty-seven. The last was that of Ogolo in 1920.
In essence, the nineteenth century Ibani compound was planned to eliminate security risk. Opobo tradition maintains that security and political strategy was paramount in the creation of War-Canoe Houses. For instance, war-canoes houses of the Jaja section were planted strategically among others: Tom Jaja between Peterside and Ogolo, while Omubo Pepple and Saturday Jaja between Annie Stewart and Toby. This strategy informed the dominance of the Jaja section in the kingdom.
External Relations
The entry of Opobo community into the area expanded contacts and relations in the area. The early diet of the first settlers consisted of fish and pounded cassava (Utara or Akpakuru). According to tradition, their agricultural foods were cassava (Mpitaka), yam (Buru or Je) and plantain (Obirika) which they got from the Ogoni and Ibibio. Opobo exchanged fish and salt from salt water. This profitable salt industry met the local demand of communities in the area. Salt making with the roots of the mangrove tree had little attraction for the Opobo; rather salt extracted from salt water became major occupation of women who cooked them in clay pots bought from the Ogoni and Ibibio. Two rivers, controlled by Opobo traders, were the Imo and Qua Iboe rivers. Trade from the Qua Iboe River accounted for one third of the revenue derived from Opobo (Ofonagoro 1979:140). The Ibeno expedition of 1881, aimed at establishing Opobo monopoly of the Qua Iboe River, was stopped by the British.
Opobo markets were situated in three major areas, Ibibio, Ndoki and Ngwa. Opobo trade canoes went further up the Opobo River to the creeks of Qua Iboe into Ekparakwa, Ibeno, Etimekpo, Ndija, Essene and Egwenga. From Ibibio, cassava and yams were imported together with livestock.
The giant bell with the inscription “King Jaja of Opobo” found at Calabar also provides evidence of early trade in Ibibio hinterland. Although there are conflicting traditions regarding the bell, one tradition refers to the flight or immigration of Queen Ogbolo to Calabar after Ibinukpabi (Long Juju) acquitted her of witchcraft charges brought against her by Queen Osunju. Ogbolo and her followers were prevailed upon to settle in Calabar to avert a possible civil war with her accusers. It was speculated that Queen Ogbolo took the bell as a symbol of royalty to Calabar. The second tradition states that King Jaja imported goods from Britain and the bell was one of the consignments in the ship wrecked on the Calabar River. The bell was salvaged in 1885 but could not be returned immediately.
Trade with Ndoki, apart from vegetables, cocoyam (ede), pepper and plantain is suggested also by the spread of local cloth (egere bite) to Opobo through Azumini. Relations with the Ndoki were quite friendly, moreover, there are still traditions among both groups, which claim kinship of their founding ancestors. The Ibani claim to have come to their present location of Bonny directly from Ndoki country (Alagoa, 1972:150). Opobo traditions state that Opobo traders became middlemen bringing sea foods and European goods from the coast to sell at the Ndoki towns of Obehi, Ohambele, Akwete, Abala, Obete Ohanze, Obohia, Asa, Umuogu Akanu, Umukalu Ikpoku Ohanko, Nchokoro among others.
Opobo markets also extended into the Ngwa area, where the main markets were located at Itu Ngwa, Umuaroma, Abayi, Umuokpara, Omuma, Osakwa, Umuagwu, Ovom, Osusu, Umuokoro Uku, Amandara Akpa, Iheorji Unugo Ozata and Umunta. Beaches were also developed along the Imo River for Opobo trade canoes. They included those of Chiefs Oko Jaja, Sam Oko Epelle and Ogolo (Abadist 14/1/49).
Some of these transactions were based on the “trust” system. According to Ofonagoro (1979:98), Opobo traders would solemnize loan transactions with hinterland customers by “swearing Juju” with the debtor to encourage fulfilment of the terms of the loan. Opobo entry into the overseas trade seems to have had a devastating impact on Bonny.
Opobo entered the mainstream Niger Delta economic activities in the 1870s. By 1900, the internationalization of trade, the monetary system brought Opobo into the world economic system. It was largely by offering the entire trade of Opobo to the firm of Miller Brothers that King Jaja succeeded in breaking the combination of firms, which had tried to impose low prices on Opobo middlemen (Ofonagoro 1979:334).
The case of Opobo kingdom presents an example of development of political institutions and structures in response to local and international circumstances. It would be faulty to interpret these developments solely to diffusion from their primary source of dispersal. There was local initiative and innovation, taking advantage of environment and circumstance.
Developments After Jaja
The palm oil trade, which became increasingly desirable, lifted individuals to commercial power and induced the rise of capital-owning and investing groups that given time, might have become a middle class of nation builders (Davidson 1992). But King Jaja and his kind were found inconvenient and intolerable to the colonising European powers. They were, accordingly, attacked, expropriated, exiled or otherwise done away with as Britain moved into the Niger Delta. King Jaja represented one such factor. The circumstances of his exit from Opobo have been well-documented (Cookey 1974; Alagoa 1970; Ikime 1977).
Trade rivalry and the scramble for palm oil markets seems to have intensified after Jaja’s exit but his long shadow could not be so easily eliminated (Ofonagoro 1974: 334). Opobo depended on her hinterland connections with whom he was on good terms to stem the entry of the rival states of Bonny, Elem-Kalabari and Okrika. Opobo traders from the 1900s settled in the major towns and villages that produced palm oil and kernel in large quantities.
Some Opobo compounds because of the high concentration of compound members controlled particular trade routes. For example, the Azumini, Obete and Azu Ogu route, with a concentration of Ogolo traders who had collection centres along this area, controlled the route. Chief Atobera Ogolo, Chief Arlik Ogolo, Jonathan Ogolo and Chief Harry Ubani were major traders here. The Owerrinta, Abayi, Umuakpara Aro Ngwa routes had a number of Toby House traders who firmly controlled this route.
Trade And Cultural Interaction
Trade thus brought Opobo indigenes into contact with peoples of other cultures, especially the Igbo and Ibibio. The result of this unfettered interaction was that Opobo indigenes who settled at Uzo Ahia (trading settlements) returned from the 1930s, for Easter and Christmas holidays, “carrying some cultural traits” to Opobo.
In time, some of these new traits were imbibed and modified to suit the local environment. A good example is the festival of new crops (yam and corn) usually celebrated by predominantly farming communities such as the Igbo and Ibibio. It is not known when the Amaiwo (festival of new yam and new corn) was first celebrated, but Fanny S. B. Jaja states that it was introduced during the reign of Chief MacPepple Jaja (1920-1936).
Two crops namely yam and maize are generally not allowed to be brought out in the market for sale until certain sacrifices or ceremonial rites have been performed by the Owuogbo from the Chiefs directive. The Amanyanabo and the Chiefs make arrangements for the festival and supply Owuogbo with all sacrificial animals and drinks.
It was usually a day’s rite, accompanied by masquerades during which members of Owuogbo formally present the crops to the public, signifying formal admittance of the new crops into the kingdom, and the freedom to consume and openly exchange them in the market place.
The Owuogbo is a semi-secret society comparable with the Okonko of the Igbo, the Epe and highly exclusive Mborko of the Aro; the Idion and Ekpe of the Ibibio; the Egbo of the Efik, the Ekine of the Kalabari and the Ofiokpo of the Andoni.
Some scholars have studied the Owuogbo from within and have attested to its socio-cultural contributions to the kingdom before the 1980 interregnum (Cookey 1974; Macpepple, 1982 and Jaja 1995). Jaja (2004) has pointed out that the twenty-three years without a king dealt a devastating blow on the institution.
Another important cultural impact of trade interaction from the interior was the Okonko title society of the Ndoki Igbo. Ndoki traditions claim that Okonko was introduced to Opobo in 1898. According to Ofonagoro (1979: 38):
The success of Okonko members no doubt was associated to their role in the collection of trade tolls. Club members are known to plunder the goods and, in many cases, seize the owners, or drive them away.
In Opobo, membership was quite exclusive, but by 1916, the number of chiefs who showed active interest in Okonko was greatly reduced because of the British crack down on secret societies. In any case, the Opobo version did not confer economic benefits on its members.
A more significant cultural institution has been the Nwaotam, meaning child or masquerade of Otam, derived from Nkpajekiri in Ndoki where it was played once in seven years (Jaja 2004:87). It was introduced into Opobo in 1931 by a group of friends. The Nwaotam is now a popular carnival in Opobo, Bonny and other places in the Niger Delta in the Christmas season. Its entertainment value led to its introduction in Bonny in the late 1940s by Mr. Benstowe.
The Successors Of King Jaja
The death of King Jaja in 1891 marked the end of an era. He had built and transformed the modest island into a powerful city-state, solid in its foundation, but much too dependent on the skilful manipulations of one man. His less fortunate successors were unable to rule absolutely or wisely and fell victim to new forces in the colonial and post-colonial period.
Prince Saturday his first son, on account of a debilitating illness could not ascend the throne. Consequently, Prince Sunday, his second son, was recalled from Britain where he was studying, to take up his father’s throne. Prince Sunday (1891-1916) stepped into the shoes of his father which proved too large for him. He had no independent mind and had to govern with a body of advisers, including Chief Cookey-Gam. His association with the young Prince resulted in Cookey-Gam’s appointment as political agent (Cookey 1972).
Arthur (1920-1936) became a war canoe chief in 1894, and succeeded to the headship of the royal Jaja House in 1916. The kingdom witnessed progress and vitality. He was able to project Opobo through the Niger Delta. Converted to Christianity and educated abroad under renowned scholars, Ada as he was fondly called, demonstrated considerable valour.
Arthur MacPepple’s diverse diplomatic activities involved the safe-guarding of Opobo commercial interests, the preservation of political autonomy and above all, the expansion of Opobo political influence. His major political role was that of a peacemaker, a supreme arbiter in the endless feuds between groups and families. He was said to have negotiated successfully all disputes which broke out between Opobo, Andoni and Ogoni over plantation settlements. Douglas Jaja (1936-1980), was an amiable gentleman who ascended the throne at the age of eighteen. He tried to effect changes. In 1938, he ordered that palm oil be sold only by the giant bell, not in the market or hawked around as it easily stains people. He was said to be highhanded, flogging individuals who misbehaved, even older chiefs. He was suspended in 1938 and recalled in 1940.
Douglas Jaja’s career as monarch was marked by controversy. The civil war (1966-1970) truncated his reign. On his return he tried to rebuild his kingdom and cater for his subjects. His death in 1980 threw the kingdom into a succession dispute and crisis, which culminated in a long interregnum (Jaja,
2005). In 2004, his first son, Dandeson Jaja, was crowned after he won the contest to the throne in the Supreme Court of Nigeria.